Justice Delayed, Dynasties Enabled: The Senate’s Sara Duterte Impeachment Postponement Dissected

By Louis ‘Barok‘ C. Biraogo — May 30, 2025


THE Senate’s decision to push Vice President Sara Duterte’s impeachment trial from June 2 to June 11, 2025, reeks of political calculus dressed up as legislative diligence. Senate President Francis “Chiz” Escudero, in a letter to House Speaker Martin Romualdez, cloaked the delay in the noble guise of “prioritizing the administration’s legislative agenda” and clearing a backlog of 277 presidential appointments. Color us shocked—the Senate suddenly remembers urgent business when holding a dynasty scion accountable gets inconvenient. But is this really about governance, or are we witnessing a masterclass in backroom deal-making to shield Duterte from the fallout of her alleged misdeeds? Let’s slice through the rhetoric with Kweba ng Katarungan’s signature scalpel and expose the raw power plays at work.

Constitutional Farce? “Forthwith” Gets a Filipino Facelift

The Philippine Constitution doesn’t mince words: once the House delivers impeachment articles, the Senate “shall forthwith proceed” with the trial. Forthwith. Sounds urgent, right? Apparently not to Escudero, who’s decided nine extra days of legislative navel-gazing trump constitutional mandates. The excuse? A laundry list of LEDAC-endorsed bills—think Anti-POGO Act, E-Governance Act, and amendments to the Universal Health Care Act—plus 277 military and diplomatic appointments that absolutely must be confirmed before the 19th Congress adjourns on June 14, 2025, as detailed in Presidential Communications Office.

On the streets, the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) isn’t buying it. Their protests, erupting in Manila and beyond, scream that this delay is a middle finger to accountability. On January 31, 2025, thousands rallied in the capital, demanding Duterte’s head for charges ranging from a P125 million Commission on Audit (COA) scandal to—brace yourself—allegedly plotting to assassinate President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., his wife, and Romualdez, as revealed in a Rappler report on her November 2024 Zoom briefing. Meanwhile, Supreme Court petitions are piling up, with critics like @leisbeth_recto on X calling Escudero’s constitutional tap-dance “kabobohan” (nonsense). “Sabi ni Escudero, wala daw sinabing ‘immediately’ ang Saligang Batas,” Recto fumed on February 18, 2025, accusing the Senate President of twisting “forthwith” into a bureaucratic hall pass.

Defenders, hiding behind LEDAC’s “economic urgency,” argue the Senate’s just being practical. With only six session days left, they claim, it’s impossible to juggle impeachment with bills critical to Marcos’s agenda. But here’s the rub: if “forthwith” means anything, it’s that impeachment—a constitutional check on power—takes precedence over tax tweaks for denatured alcohol. Escudero’s move risks branding the Senate as a constitutional slacker, more interested in legislative box-checking than holding Duterte’s feet to the fire over allegations that include literal death threats. Is this a dereliction of duty or a calculated stall? The Constitution’s ambiguity on “forthwith” gives Escudero wiggle room, but it’s hard to shake the feeling he’s exploiting it to keep the political pot from boiling over.

The Horse-Trading Desk: 277 Appointments, 12 Bills, One Big Favor

Let’s talk numbers: 277 military and diplomatic appointments, 12 “priority” bills, and a Senate with just three session days post-delay to wrap it all up before the 19th Congress ends. Escudero’s letter to Romualdez paints this as a noble sacrifice for the public good, but the math smells like leverage. Who benefits from this delay? The Marcos-Duterte alliance, once the shiny UniTeam of 2022, is now a smoldering wreck, with Romualdez and First Lady Liza Araneta as Duterte’s chief antagonists. Duterte resigned as Education Secretary in June 2024 and publicly declared she was never Marcos’s friend—just a running mate, as noted in Wikipedia’s impeachment overview. Marcos, stung, admitted he was “deceived.”

The delay buys time for someone, but who? Speculation swirls that Escudero, a political chameleon who’s flipped from anti-Marcos rhetoric in 2024 to cozying up to the administration, is playing vote-flipping chess. The 20th Congress, kicking off post-June 30, 2025, will see new senators sworn in after the May 12 midterms. Senate Minority Leader Koko Pimentel warned that this turnover—12 senators’ terms end—could shift the trial’s dynamics. Is Escudero banking on a friendlier Senate to dilute the prosecution’s case? Posts on X, like @justinmaniluh’s February 8, 2025, query about Senator Joel Villanueva “deliberately delaying” to protect Duterte, fuel suspicions of backroom deals.

Those 277 appointments are a juicy bargaining chip. Military brass and diplomats owe their careers to Marcos, and rushing their confirmations could secure loyalty—or silence—on the impeachment front. The 12 bills, from mining reforms to barangay term limits, are less about public welfare and more about cementing Marcos’s legislative legacy before the midterms reshape Congress. If Escudero’s trading trial time for Marcos’s wish list, it’s a classic Manila power play: justice can wait, but dynastic score-settling can’t.

Trial by Public Opinion: Manila vs. Solid North, COA’s Ghostly Receipts

The streets are a courtroom of their own. Manila’s anti-Duterte protests, led by BAYAN and joined by students from UP Diliman and Ateneo, roar for accountability. On January 31, 2025, thousands rallied, as reported by Al Jazeera, demanding Duterte’s removal for charges tied to her father’s drug war. On March 11, 2025, after Rodrigo Duterte’s ICC arrest, BAYAN rallied in Quezon City, Cebu, and The Hague, demanding justice for extrajudicial killings—crimes Sara’s now accused of abetting, per the first impeachment complaint. Contrast that with the Solid South, where pro-Duterte rallies, backed by the Iglesia ni Cristo’s 1.5 million-strong ‘National Rally for Peace’ on January 13, 2025, in Manila, Davao, and Cebu, frame the impeachment as a Marcos-led witch hunt from the Solid North.

The COA’s P125 million scandal is the prosecution’s smoking gun. In 2022, Duterte’s Office of the Vice President allegedly burned through P612.5 million in confidential funds, with P125 million spent in 11 days—60% to “ghost recipients” lacking civil registry records. This isn’t just sloppy accounting; it’s a betrayal of public trust that makes Escudero’s “legislative priorities” excuse look flimsier than a campaign promise. When @ABSCBNNews reported the Senate’s adjournment without touching the impeachment on February 5, 2025, the public’s outrage was palpable: why delay when the evidence is this damning? The COA report, plastered across X, isn’t just a scandal—it’s a rallying cry for those who see the postponement as a shield for Duterte’s dynasty.

The Nuclear Option: What If the 20th Congress Drops the Ball?

What happens if the 20th Congress, with its fresh crop of senators, decides to punt on the trial? The Constitution’s silence on inter-congressional impeachment carryovers is a legal black hole. Senate Rule 123 suggests pending matters die with the Congress unless reintroduced, but the Senate’s “continuing body doctrine” could argue otherwise. Enter the Supreme Court, where BAYAN’s mandamus petitions are itching for a fight. If the Senate stonewalls, the SC could step in, citing Estrada v. Arroyo (2001), where it asserted judicial review over impeachment processes when constitutional violations are alleged, as referenced in Wikipedia’s impeachment overview.

In Estrada, the Court didn’t shy from flexing its muscle when the Senate’s impeachment of President Joseph Estrada hit procedural snags, setting a precedent that could haunt Escudero if he’s seen as dodging duty. A dropped trial would be political dynamite: Duterte’s Solid South would celebrate a major victory, strengthening her 2028 prospects, while Marcos’s Solid North allies, pushing for her ouster, would be left scrambling for new leverage. The SC intervening would be a constitutional earthquake, exposing the Senate’s delay as more than just scheduling woes. This isn’t governance—it’s Game of Thrones with gavels.

Verdict Preview: Conviction Odds Post-Delay

  • Defense Team: +15%—Duterte’s legal prep, underway since November 2024, gets a boost from the extra nine days. Her team’s ready, and new senators might lean her way.
  • Prosecution: Panicking—With only three session days post-delay, the House’s 11 prosecutors, including Leila de Lima and Chel Diokno, face a time crunch to present seven charges, from assassination plots to EJK complicity.
  • Public Sentiment: Split—Manila’s protests and Solid South rallies show a nation divided, with COA’s ghost recipients tilting urban voters against Duterte.

Extra Credit: Escudero’s Flip-Flop—Hypocrisy or Realpolitik?

In 2024, Escudero played a cautious game, questioning the political undertones of Senate probes into the Duterte drug war while aligning with Marcos’s legislative priorities. Now, he’s Marcos’s loyal Senate quarterback, delaying Duterte’s trial while waving the LEDAC flag. Is this hypocrisy or just Escudero playing the long game? His “pragmatism” screams realpolitik: keep Marcos happy, placate Duterte’s allies, and hope the 20th Congress sorts out the mess. But when you’re juggling dynasties, someone’s bound to get burned—likely the Filipino public, left wondering if justice is just another bargaining chip.

Call to Action

The Senate’s delay isn’t just a scheduling quirk; it’s a window into Manila’s power games. Is this a legit backlog or a cover-up to protect a dynasty? Sound off—@reply us at Above the Law. Let’s hear your take: constitutional farce or necessary pause? And while you’re at it, keep an eye on those COA screenshots circulating on X—they’re the kind of dirt that makes postponements look like protection rackets.

Key References

  1. GMA News: Senate postpones reading of impeachment raps vs. Sara Duterte to June 11 – Details Escudero’s letter and the legislative priorities cited for the delay.
  2. Rappler: How Sara Duterte’s midnight briefing unfolded amid aide’s detention transfer order – Reports on Duterte’s alleged assassination threat during a November 2024 Zoom briefing.
  3. Rappler: Office of Vice President Duterte spent P125-M confidential funds in 11 days – COA – Exposes the COA’s findings on Duterte’s misuse of P125 million in confidential funds.
  4. Senate: Full text: First impeachment complaint vs Vice President Sara Duterte – Provides the full text of the impeachment complaint, including charges like EJK complicity.
  5. Al Jazeera: Thousands call for impeachment of Philippines Vice President Sara Duterte – Covers the January 31, 2025, protests demanding Duterte’s impeachment.
  6. X Post by @leisbeth_recto – Criticizes Escudero’s delay as unconstitutional, posted on February 18, 2025.
  7. X Post by @ABSCBNNews – Reports the Senate’s adjournment without addressing the impeachment, posted on February 5, 2025.
  8. X Post by @justinmaniluh – Questions Senator Villanueva’s role in delaying the trial, posted on February 8, 2025.
  9. X Post by @News5PH – Escudero’s comments on Rodrigo Duterte’s drug war testimony, October 29, 2024.X Po
  10. st by @ABSCBNNews – Escudero criticizes Imee Marcos over Duterte probe, April 11, 2025.
  11. Wikipedia: Impeachment of Sara Duterte – Provides an overview of the impeachment process and historical context, including Estrada v. Arroyo parallels.

Louis ‘Barok‘ C. Biraogo

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