“Mahiya Naman Kayo!” Marcos’ Anti-Corruption Vow Faces a Flood of Doubt

By Louis ‘Barok‘ C. Biraogo — August 2, 2025

Executive Summary: Can Marcos Break the Cycle of Corruption?

President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s fiery 2025 SONA pledge to expose and prosecute corruption in failed flood control projects taps into public fury over persistent flooding and squandered funds. His call to shame negligent officials and publish project data signals bold intent, but the Marcos family’s notorious history—linked to $5-10 billion in plundered wealth—casts doubt on sincerity.

Digital transparency and public pressure offer hope, yet entrenched patronage, a sluggish judiciary (8% conviction rate), and selective enforcement loom as barriers. The narrow focus on infrastructure sidesteps broader corruption in healthcare and local governance. Success demands independent oversight, robust whistleblower protections, and judicial reform. Without tackling elite impunity, this risks becoming empty rhetoric. Civil society, international partners, and citizens must hold Marcos accountable through data-driven monitoring and civic action to ensure reforms stick within 12-18 months.

Credibility Check: Is Marcos’ Anti-Corruption Vow Trustworthy?

Marcos’ pledge to combat flood project corruption, delivered with a dramatic “Mahiya naman kayo” in his 2025 SONA, resonates with Filipinos fed up with flooded streets and broken promises. Yet, the Marcos name—tied to Ferdinand Sr.’s regime, which siphoned $5-10 billion from public coffers—invites skepticism. Ongoing unpaid tax liabilities and social media campaigns whitewashing martial law abuses further erode trust.

Specific commitments include tasking the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) to compile and publicize a list of flood control projects and launching audits via Regional Project Monitoring Committees. These are concrete, measurable steps. However, similar transparency vows under Aquino and Duterte yielded only an 8% conviction rate for graft cases (2016-2023).

Marcos’ high approval rating (68% in June 2025 Pulse Asia) offers political capital, but dynastic ties—relatives control key local posts with flood contracts—raise fears of selective prosecutions. Vague promises of “charges in coming months” lack timelines or named targets, unlike Singapore’s rigorous asset declaration mandates. Without judicial reform or elite accountability, this risks being performative posturing.

Stakeholder Showdown: Who’s Betting on Marcos, and Who’s Not?

Marcos’ Cheerleaders: Why Some See a Path to Victory

Supporters argue Marcos’ plan could succeed by leveraging public outrage and institutional tools. Publicizing project data, as mandated to DPWH, invites scrutiny from groups like Procurement Watch, mirroring global transparency successes. Digital governance—e-bidding and geotagged tracking—aligns with UNODC’s praise for reducing bribery.

Post-midterm political pressure, with 2028 elections looming, pushes Marcos to deliver visible wins. International validation, including FATF grey list removal, bolsters credibility. High-profile prosecutions could deter future corruption, especially if DPWH audits uncover hard evidence.

The Doubters: Why History and Structure Spell Trouble

Skeptics point to insurmountable barriers. The Marcos family’s cronyism legacy—with relatives holding governorships and mayorships tied to flood contracts—suggests conflicts of interest. Patronage politics, where DPWH directors are political appointees, undermines impartiality.

The Sandiganbayan’s 1,800+ backlog and 7-10 year case resolutions signal judicial gridlock. Past anti-corruption drives, like Duterte’s Build-Build-Build audits, fizzled with minimal convictions. Social media disinformation glorifying the Marcos era, as noted in 2022 election reports, dulls public pressure.

Critics argue the focus on flood projects ignores broader corruption in healthcare and local governance, per business surveys.

The Middle Ground: Forces That Could Tip the Scales

Public intolerance, especially among youth using platforms like X to expose corruption, creates reform momentum. Digital tools like e-procurement systems reduce human discretion, but require scaling. Extreme weather—2024-25’s record La Niña—complicates project evaluations, as some failures stem from design flaws, not just corruption.

Donors like ADB and JICA, withholding funds pending transparency, could enforce compliance but risk politicization in the 2025 election season.

Systemic Smackdown: Are Marcos’ Fixes Big Enough for the Mess?

Marcos’ plan—public lists and audits—tackles visible flood project failures but falls short of corruption’s vast scope, costing the Philippines ₱700 billion annually. Infrastructure markups of 20-30% reflect patronage networks, judicial weaknesses, and dynastic control, with 80% of local posts held by families. The measures address symptoms, not root causes.

Global models, like Singapore’s independent CPIB or Georgia’s post-2003 judicial overhaul, emphasize autonomous agencies and swift prosecutions. The Philippines’ Ombudsman and Sandiganbayan lack resources and independence, with an 8% conviction rate.

Marcos’ digital push—e-bidding and geotagging—is promising but needs training and infrastructure to scale. Patronage and disinformation, fueled by pro-Marcos propaganda, hinder cultural change. Delayed COA reports (12-24 months) and unaddressed poverty-driven corruption limit impact. Sustainability beyond 2025 elections is shaky without elite accountability.

Battle Plan: Actionable Steps to Crush Corruption

Government Institutions

Fortify Oversight: Grant Ombudsman and COA full independence by Q2 2026; double Sandiganbayan divisions for 90-day case resolutions using e-subpoenas.
Go Digital: Launch real-time DPWH data portals by Q1 2026, using blockchain for billing transparency.
Protect Whistleblowers: Enact laws by Q1 2026, offering 1% of recovered funds as bounties and overseas relocation, funded by Presidential Social Fund.

Civil Society Organizations

Citizen Audits: Form a Citizen Flood Audit Corps by Q2 2026, training 1,000 volunteers for drone surveys, partnered with AFP for security.
Anti-Dynasty Push: Advocate for 1987 Constitution enforcement to curb dynastic control by 2027.

International Partners

Tech Support: ADB and JICA fund LGU training on e-procurement by Q3 2026, tying aid to transparency.
Global Standards: Back UNCAC implementation for ownership registries by 2027.

Citizens and Media

Crowdsource Evidence: Create X-based dashboards by Q1 2026 to track DPWH disclosures.
Educate: Push integrity curricula by 2026-27, countering disinformation with CHED support.

Success Metrics

Short-Term (12-18 months): Publish flood data by Q1 2026; charge 50+ officials; boost e-procurement by 20%.
Long-Term: Cut cost overruns by 10% by 2027; raise convictions to 15%; establish 5 graft courts.

These evidence-based steps, inspired by global successes, balance immediate wins with systemic change, leveraging public and international pressure to sustain reforms.

Final Verdict: Can Marcos Turn Words into Action?

President Marcos’ “Mahiya Naman Kayo!” rallying cry against corruption in flood control projects captures public frustration but faces a steep climb to deliver lasting change. While his transparency pledges and digital reforms show promise, the Marcos family’s historical baggage, entrenched patronage networks, and a limping judiciary (with an 8% conviction rate) threaten to drown these efforts in skepticism.

Success demands more than fiery rhetoric—it requires independent oversight, robust whistleblower protections, and prosecutions that target elites, not just scapegoats. By leveraging UNODC-backed digital tools, civil society momentum, and international pressure, Marcos could build trust within 12-18 months.

Yet, without dismantling dynastic power and addressing systemic corruption beyond infrastructure, this crusade risks fading into political noise. Citizens, media, and global partners must hold the administration accountable, ensuring promises translate into measurable outcomes by 2027.