Panaligan’s AGILA Scam: Lacson’s Crusade to Drain the Corruption Swamp

By Louis ‘Barok‘ C. Biraogo — August 22, 2025

A P204-million dike in Oriental Mindoro lies in ruins, its concrete carcass mocked by the raging waters of Typhoon Emong. Above it, “AGILA” banners flutter defiantly, proclaiming Congressman Arnan Panaligan’s supposed triumph. This isn’t just a failed project; it’s a crime scene, a glaring emblem of systemic rot where taxpayer billions vanish into the muck of political greed.

Senator Panfilo Lacson has fired a legal salvo, accusing Panaligan of orchestrating “congressional insertions” to funnel funds through murky unprogrammed appropriations. The stakes? A betrayal of public trust, a violation of constitutional law, and a resurrection of the pork barrel ghost the Supreme Court buried a decade ago.

Buckle up as we unravel this scandal, shred Panaligan’s flimsy defenses, and demand justice in a legal thriller where the floodwaters of corruption run deep.

The Perfect Heist: How the Scam Was Pulled Off

The plot kicks off in the shadowy corridors of Congress, where Panaligan, Oriental Mindoro’s first district representative, allegedly slipped P1.1 billion into the budget like a seasoned pickpocket. The target? Flood control projects in Naujan and Baco, with Naujan alone gobbling up P10 billion—55% of the province’s P18 billion three-year flood mitigation budget.

These weren’t line items in the President’s National Expenditure Program (NEP); they were “insertions” in the House version, funneled through the GAA’s unprogrammed appropriations, a fiscal black hole meant for emergencies but ripe for abuse. The GAA demands specific triggers—excess revenue, new loans, or grants—for unprogrammed funds to flow, yet Lacson’s evidence suggests no such certifications from the DBM or DOF exist.

Exhibit A: the projects themselves. A P95-million dike in Burbuli, Baco, awarded to Silverwolves Construction, and a P231-million structure along Butas River, Naujan, both branded with Panaligan’s “AGILA” logo—Aksyon ng Gobyerno at Inisyatibo sa Larangang Lehislatura. These aren’t just vanity projects; they’re potential evidence of post-enactment meddling, explicitly banned by the Supreme Court’s landmark ruling in Belgica v. Ochoa (G.R. No. 208566, 2013). Congress can appropriate; only the executive implements. Anything else is a constitutional middle finger.

The suspense builds with the wreckage: a P2.55-billion road dike along Mag-Asawang Tubig and Bucayao Rivers collapsed twice in 2025, with Typhoon Emong delivering the knockout punch. Another in Barangay Inarawan, funded at P1.8 billion, didn’t survive its first rainy season.

Lacson alleges a “pattern of nasty distribution,” with kickbacks potentially eating up 40% of project costs. Those AGILA banners? Not just tacky—they’re a paper trail, hinting at a quid pro quo where Panaligan’s influence ensured contracts flowed to favored players, all while the public paid for crumbling concrete.

The Legal Trap: Charges That Could Bury Panaligan

This isn’t just a political embarrassment; it’s a legal house of cards waiting to collapse. Panaligan’s actions—if Lacson’s allegations hold—trigger a cascade of criminal, administrative, and civil liabilities. Below is a table laying out the charges that should have him sweating bullets, each anchored in statute and precedent:

Legal Charges Table

Liability	Law/Code Violated	Key Legal Precedent/Provision	Evidence & Application
Graft & Corruption	RA 3019, Sec. 3(e)	Causing undue injury through manifest partiality, evident bad faith, or gross negligence. People v. Sandiganbayan (G.R. No. 164577, 2010) upheld convictions for infrastructure scams.	P1.1 billion in insertions for projects that collapsed screams negligence or bad faith. The government lost billions; contractors pocketed payments for shoddy work. AGILA branding suggests partiality in project selection.
Disadvantageous Contracts	RA 3019, Sec. 3(g)	Entering contracts grossly disadvantageous to the government.	Pushing contracts like Silverwolves’ P95M Burbuli dike, which failed due to substandard materials, violates this provision.
Malversation of Funds	Revised Penal Code, Art. 217	Misappropriation of public funds. Estrada v. Sandiganbayan (G.R. No. 148560, 2001) clarified plunder’s scope.	If any of the P4.4 billion in AGILA-linked projects was diverted (e.g., 40% kickbacks), it’s malversation. Plunder under RA 7080 applies if ill-gotten wealth exceeds P50 million.
Ethical Breaches	RA 6713, Sec. 4(a), 4(c), 7(a)	Public interest, justness, no financial interest in transactions.	AGILA banners and claims of “funding” DPWH projects violate public trust and suggest personal gain, breaching ethical standards.
Betrayal of Public Trust	Constitution, Art. XI, Sec. 1	Public office is a public trust. RA 6770, Sec. 13 empowers Ombudsman investigations.	The Ombudsman can probe Panaligan’s role in insertions and failed projects, recommending removal for undermining public confidence.

These aren’t hypotheticals; they’re legal landmines. RA 3019’s Section 3(e) carries 6-15 years in prison and perpetual disqualification from office. Plunder could mean life behind bars. The Ombudsman’s preliminary investigation, backed by RA 6770, could lead to administrative sanctions or a Sandiganbayan trial. Those AGILA banners aren’t just boastful; they’re a legal breadcrumb trail, tying Panaligan to unconstitutional meddling under Belgica.

Panaligan’s Pathetic Alibis: A Defense Demolished

Panaligan’s excuses are as shaky as his dikes. Let’s tear them apart with legal precision and a touch of Kweba ng Katarungan snark:

Alibi 1: “It’s all the DPWH’s fault!”

Panaligan wants us to believe he’s just a humble congressman, cheering for his district while the DPWH fumbles the ball. But those AGILA banners and his accomplishment report claiming “funding” tell a different tale. If he had no role, why brand projects as his own? His 2024 letter to DPWH Secretary Bonoan, whining about defective work, is a confession of oversight failure—his job includes ensuring projects serve the public, not collapsing under scrutiny. Belgica bans post-enactment influence; if he steered contractors or funds, RA 3019, Sec. 3(a) could nail him for inducing violations. Blaming the DPWH is like a fox guarding the henhouse claiming the eggs broke themselves.

Alibi 2: “The projects were in the NEP!”

Wrong, Congressman. Lacson’s bombshell is that P1.1 billion was inserted in the House version, not the NEP. The NEP is the President’s budget; House insertions are post-NEP sleight-of-hand, the exact pork barrel trick Belgica outlawed. Unprogrammed funds require DBM/DOF certifications per the GAA—where are they? Without them, these releases are irregular, and Panaligan’s claim smells like a desperate dodge. He needs to produce the paper trail, not hide behind a budget he didn’t write.

Alibi 3: “The banners were unauthorized!”

This is peak absurdity. Panaligan claims the AGILA banners were a contractor’s mistake, not his doing. So, multiple project sites, from Baco to Naujan, just happened to sport his logo, and he didn’t notice? His accomplishment report brags about these projects as his legacy. Either he’s lying, or he’s so incompetent he missed his own branding campaign. DPWH rules ban officials’ names on project signboards, and RA 6713, Sec. 7(a) demands ethical conduct. Ignorance isn’t a defense; it’s a guilty plea dressed up as incompetence.

The Justice Blueprint: Nailing Panaligan to the Wall

Lacson’s privilege speech was a shot across the bow, but it’s time to bring out the big guns. This scandal demands action, not just outrage. Here’s the playbook to hold Panaligan accountable and slay the pork barrel dragon once and for all:

Ombudsman Complaint: Drop the Hammer
File a sworn complaint with the Ombudsman under RA 6770, Sec. 12. Include photos of AGILA banners, Lacson’s staff reports, the accomplishment report, and budget documents showing insertions. The Ombudsman can subpoena DBM/DOF certifications and launch a preliminary investigation for RA 3019 violations. Probable cause means a Sandiganbayan trial; administrative findings could mean suspension or dismissal. This is the legal equivalent of a SWAT team raid—use it.
Senate Blue Ribbon Showdown
Invoke Article VI, Sec. 21 of the Constitution for a Blue Ribbon Committee inquiry. Subpoena DPWH officials, Silverwolves Construction, and Panaligan for sworn testimony. Grill them on unprogrammed fund releases, RA 9184 procurement compliance, and Belgica violations. Public hearings are where lies crumble and perjury traps spring. Lacson’s parliamentary immunity (Art. VI, Sec. 11) protects his allegations; now he needs evidence to seal the deal.
COA Fraud Audit: Follow the Money
Demand a COA special fraud audit of all AGILA-linked projects, citing Madera v. COA (G.R. No. 224159, 2020). Trace every peso from appropriation to disbursement, checking DBM/DOF certifications, bidding records, and engineering reports. Core samples from collapsed dikes can prove substandard materials, triggering disallowances and charges against contractors and approving officers. This isn’t just an audit; it’s a financial autopsy.
Seal the Pork Barrel Loophole
Propose GAA amendments to ban post-enactment project identification, cap unprogrammed fund growth, and mandate transparent UA release disclosures. Codify Belgica to ensure legislators stay out of budget execution. This isn’t reform; it’s a constitutional necessity.
Engineering Truth Serum
Commission independent hydraulics experts to compare project designs against Typhoon Emong’s intensity. If failures stem from shoddy work, not force majeure, contractors face RA 9184 sanctions (blacklisting, warranty enforcement), and Panaligan’s oversight failure becomes undeniable. Science doesn’t lie; politicians do.

The Final Verdict: No Escape from the Flood

The collapsed dikes of Oriental Mindoro aren’t just engineering flops; they’re monuments to greed, built on taxpayer billions and branded with Panaligan’s arrogance. The AGILA banners, the P1.1 billion in insertions, the wreckage of billion-peso projects—these are the fingerprints of corruption.

Panaligan’s defenses—blaming DPWH, hiding behind the NEP, crying “unauthorized banners”—are a pathetic attempt to dodge the legal noose. Belgica v. Ochoa is clear: legislators can’t meddle post-enactment. RA 3019 and RA 6713 demand accountability.

Lacson must push the Ombudsman, COA, and Senate to act, wielding subpoenas, audits, and investigations like legal weapons. This isn’t just about one congressman; it’s about whether the Philippines can drown the pork barrel’s ghost. The evidence is damning, the law is unforgiving, and the public deserves justice.

The flood of corruption stops here—or it sweeps us all away.