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From Campaign Cash to Cabinet Cushions: The Marcos “Thank You” Tour Hits a New Low

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Louis ‘Barok’ Biraogo

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From Campaign Cash to Cabinet Cushions: The Marcos “Thank You” Tour Hits a New Low
Laurel, Ngu, and Acuzar: Trading Millions for Marcos’ VIP Passes to Power 

By Louis ‘Barok‘ C. Biraogo — September 24, 2025

WALASTIK, Philippine politics—where the only thing more predictable than a monsoon flood is the parade of deep-pocketed donors waltzing into government gigs like it’s a buy-one-get-one-free sale at the tiangge. In a move that shocked absolutely no one who’s survived more than five minutes in this tropical telenovela, the administration of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has perfected the art of the “thank you” note: a plush, powerful Cabinet-level position handed out with all the subtlety of a brass band at a wake. Enter our trio of contractor-cum-contributors—Francis Tiu Laurel, Maynard Ngu, and Jose “Jerry” Rizalino L. Acuzar—who didn’t just sprinkle fairy dust on the 2022 election campaigns; they hosed them down with millions, only to emerge clutching red-carpet government roles. It’s not a scandal, folks; it’s the ecosystem recycling cash into clout, with the public footing the bill. As the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) puts it, these gents are “not only contractor-donors but also embedded in cushy government posts, worsening the optics” (Bilyonaryo, 19 Sept. 2025). Optics? This is a funhouse mirror of ethical bankruptcy.

Let’s eviscerate this one donor at a time, cracking open the law like a piñata at a corrupt kid’s birthday party. Nothing screams “accountability” like juxtaposing brazen self-dealing against the cold, hard statutes these clowns swore to uphold. Spoiler: the law loses, but we’ve got the receipts.

1. Francis Tiu Laurel: From Tuna Tycoon to Farm Boss, With a Side of Forbidden Fishy Funds

First up, Francis Tiu Laurel, the Frabelle Group heir who mistook the Omnibus Election Code (OEC), Batas Pambansa Blg. 881, for a suggestion rather than the law. In 2022, while Frabelle was contracting with the Mines and Geosciences Bureau (MGB)—because nothing says “independent oversight” like mining deals for future regulators—Laurel played Santa. He gifted P8.75 million in GMA Network airtime to Senator Robin Padilla and P20 million to Senator Miguel Zubiri’s war chest (Bilyonaryo, 19 Sept. 2025). Generous? Hardly. OEC Section 95(c) bans donations from “contractors for public works or services” or those granted government support. Frabelle’s MGB contracts check that box, making this a textbook violation, punishable under OEC Section 262 with up to six years in prison, disqualification from office, and a voting ban. Ethics? Cramping his style.

Fast-forward to 2023: Marcos, in his infinite wisdom (or post-fundraiser haze), appointed Laurel Secretary of the Department of Agriculture (DA). Conflict of interest? That implies someone cared to avoid one. Republic Act (RA) 6713, the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees, Section 7(a), demands officials “avoid any interest, financial or otherwise, in any transaction requiring their discretion.” Laurel now shapes fisheries policies and budgets that could fatten Frabelle’s profits—think mining exemptions or fish export deals. RA 3019, the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act, Section 3(h), calls this graft: officials can’t have financial stakes in transactions their office oversees. The Palace’s spin? “Most qualified man for the job.” Sure, if the job is self-enrichment. Ever heard of Pascual v. Secretary of Public Works (G.R. No. L-10405, December 29, 1960)? The Supreme Court invalidated an appropriation for road construction because it served a private purpose, emphasizing that public funds cannot be used for projects tainted by personal gain. Marcos’ team clearly hasn’t.

2. Maynard Ngu: Tech Bro to Trade Envoy, Monopolizing the Middle Kingdom

Next, Maynard Ngu, the Cherry Mobile maestro whose P30 million “personal” gift to Senator Francis “Chiz” Escudero in 2022 reads like a bad rom-com: boy meets budget, funds Senate run, gets envoy gig (Bilyonaryo, 19 Sept. 2025). His firm, Cosmic Technologies (aka Cherry Mobile), dives deep into government-backed telecom ventures like DITO Telecommunity, with franchises from the National Telecommunications Commission (NTC) and incentives from the Board of Investments (BOI). OEC Section 95(d) bans donations from “persons who hold or operate any franchise or privilege granted by the Government.” Franchise holder? Check. PCIJ and Statements of Contributions and Expenditures (SOCE) filings confirm it (PCIJ, 2025). This isn’t charity; it’s a prohibited punt, risking penalties that could bench Ngu faster than a cracked smartphone.

Marcos, ever the visionary, named Ngu Special Envoy to China for Trade, Investments, and Tourism in 2023, because nothing says “fair trade” like a donor with import stakes. RA 6713, Section 7(b)(2), mandates divestment from conflicting businesses, yet Ngu’s role lets him nudge telecom and import policies favoring Cherry Mobile. RA 3019, Section 3(h), flags this as undue advantage. Think BOI perks or NTC spectrum auctions tilted his way. The Palace’s line? “Expertise for national interest.” Right, and I’m Captain Barbel. Pimentel v. COMELEC (G.R. No.157870, November 03, 2008) upheld strict campaign finance rules to stop moneyed puppeteers (Supreme Court E-Library). In Marcosland, those strings are festive decor.

3. Jose “Jerry” Rizalino L. Acuzar: Builder Baron to River Rehabber, Flooding the System with Crony Cash

Finally, Jose “Jerry” Rizalino L. Acuzar, the New San Jose Builders Inc. (NSJBI) overlord, funneled P20 million to Senator Joel Villanueva’s 2022 bid while NSJBI swam in government contracts for housing, infrastructure, and flood control (Bilyonaryo, 19 Sept. 2025). OEC Section 95(c) bans contractor donations; NSJBI’s deals with the Government Service Insurance System (GSIS) and flood projects scream violation (PCIJ, 2025). The Commission on Elections (COMELEC) is sniffing around, and it smells like pork.

Acuzar didn’t stop at donating—he leveled up. After three years as Secretary of the Department of Human Settlements and Urban Development (DHSUD), regulating his own housing empire, Marcos slid him into Presidential Adviser on Pasig River Rehabilitation. RA 6713, Section 9, demands divestment from conflicting interests, but Acuzar’s grip is tighter than a lobbyist’s handshake. His role shapes urban budgets and rehab contracts that could feed NSJBI’s flood-control feast. RA 3019, Section 3(e), calls it “manifest partiality” in contract awards. NSJBI’s deals ballooned post-donation—pure coincidence, right? Marcos greenlit this carousel, ignoring Civil Liberties Union v. Executive Secretary (G.R. No. 83896, February 22, 1991), where the Supreme Court mandated divestment to avoid bias (Supreme Court E-Library). The optics? A botched facelift. “Expertise,” the Palace coos. Translation: pay-to-play, public funds be damned.

4. The Rot Sets In: When “Public Trust” Means Trust Funds for the Elite

Zoom out, and the tragedy isn’t these three stooges—it’s the systemic gangrene. The 1987 Philippine Constitution, Article XI, Section 1, declares “public office is a public trust,” a vow these appointments mock like a drunk uncle at a baptism. Pimentel v. COMELEC(G.R. No.157870, November 03, 2008) hammered COMELEC’s duty to enforce electoral laws, prioritizing integrity over elite influence (Supreme Court E-Library). Laurel’s farm fiefdom, Ngu’s China cash grab, Acuzar’s river racket—they’re policy capture, turning governance into a donor’s playground.

The fallout is septic:

  • Wasted Funds: Crony contracts bloat budgets (e.g., P545 billion flood fiasco, with donors grabbing 20%) while needs drown (PCIJ, 2025).
  • Eroded Trust: Dictatorship vibes return, eroding trust faster than mangroves (Transparency International, 2025).
  • Investor Woes: Transactional politics screams “high risk, higher bribe,” tanking confidence and hiking costs.

Peñaflorida v. COMELEC (G.R. No. 125950, 1997) warns such offenses warrant disqualification, threatening the legitimacy of tainted appointments (Lawphil). Will COMELEC grow a spine? History says no—probes fizzle, big fish swim free.

This isn’t bad optics; it’s a banana-republic blueprint. Marcos Jr. promised change; he delivered a donor derby. The courts—or the ballot box—must crash this party. If public office is a trust, these trustees forged the check. Kudos, gentlemen. The law’s the punchline in your farce.

Louis “Barok” C. Biraogo is a legal firebrand, cynic, and voice behind Kweba ni Barok, reminding the powerful the Constitution isn’t optional.

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Louis ‘Barok‘ C. Biraogo

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