From Congress to Con-Job: Zaldy Co’s Tearful Trek to Tinsel Town

How to Dodge Subpoenas with a Side of Crocodile Tears

By Louis ‘Barok‘ C. Biraogo — September 30, 2025

LADIES and gentlemen of the kweba, step right up to the festering swamp of Philippine politics, where Ako Bicol Representative Elizaldy “Zaldy” Co has staged a resignation so theatrical it could headline a teleserye. His exit from the House of Representatives isn’t a noble bow—it’s a desperate sprint from accountability. Buckle up for a razor-sharp, sarcasm-drenched dissection of this legal thriller, oozing with corruption and cowardice.

1. Curtain Call for a Crocodile: Co’s Melodramatic Exit Unraveled

Zaldy Co’s resignation letter is a tearjerker so over-the-top it deserves a standing ovation—for fiction. “Heavy in my heart,” he croons, posing as the “kasurog” (champion) of Bicolanos while tapping out his sob story from a cushy US hospital bed—or so he claims Inquirer. This isn’t a heartfelt farewell; it’s a cynical script to paint himself as a martyr fleeing persecution. Oh, Zaldy, save the drama for your next campaign ad.

The cold, hard truth? Co’s been abroad since mid-2024, conveniently absent as the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee and House probes turned the screws Inquirer. Witnesses—contractors Pacifico and Cezarah Discaya, plus former Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) officials Henry Alcantara and Brice Hernandez—pinned him for allegedly demanding a 25% cut from infrastructure projects Inquirer. House Speaker Faustino “Bojie” Dy III yanked his travel authority on September 18, 2025, giving him 10 days to face the music Inquirer. Instead, Co dropped his resignation like a sizzling lumpia, dodging a House Ethics Committee subpoena. This isn’t contrition; it’s a tactical retreat by a man who smells the guillotine. So, what’s the play, Zaldy? Martyr or fugitive?

2. Legal Blades of Doom: Statutes to Haunt Co’s Sleepless Nights

If Co thinks resignation is his golden parachute, he’s in for a crash landing into a legal meat grinder. The Philippine justice system has a grim arsenal, each statute a sharpened blade ready to carve through his defenses.

Republic Act No. 3019 (Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act):

Section 3(e), is a legal sledgehammer, punishing public officials who cause “undue injury to the government” through manifest partiality or gross negligence RA 3019. Picture a P100-million project: a 25% cut siphons off P25 million, enough to build schools or save lives during typhoons—and if scaled across Co’s alleged ₱35 billion in insertions, that’s a staggering ₱8.75 billion in total kickbacks, enough to fund an entire province’s recovery from disaster Inquirer Philstar. Penalties? Up to 15 years in prison per count, fines, and perpetual disqualification from public office RA 3019. Sleep tight, congressman.

Republic Act No. 7080 (Plunder):

Here’s where the ghost of Joseph “Erap” Estrada looms like a specter over Co’s dreams. Plunder kicks in when ill-gotten wealth hits P50 million through a pattern of criminal acts RA 7080. With P4.7 billion in assets—aircraft included—under scrutiny, Co’s alleged haul could dwarf that threshold Inquirer. If the Discayas’ and DPWH officials’ testimonies hold, backed by bank records, Co could face life imprisonment in the long shadow of New Bilibid Prison. The Supreme Court in Estrada v. Sandiganbayan (2001) made it clear: plunder doesn’t need a smoking gun, just a pattern Estrada v. Sandiganbayan. Got a pattern, Zaldy?

Republic Act No. 9160 (Anti-Money Laundering Act):

A sarcastic standing ovation for the Anti-Money Laundering Council (AMLC) freezing P4.7 billion in assets tied to Co and his clan Inquirer. Bravo! The Anti-Money Laundering Act (AMLA) turns his shiny toys—aircraft, properties, maybe a yacht—into prosecutorial gold RA 9160. AMLA’s global reach means Co’s bank accounts could be lonelier than a Duterte critic at a Marcos rally. With the Department of Justice (DOJ) already requesting an Interpol Blue Notice, his assets are under a microscope Inquirer. Penalties? Up to 7 years per count, plus forfeiture. Hope that “health procedure” comes with a good lawyer.

These laws aren’t just threats—they’re existential nightmares. Co’s not just fighting for his freedom; he’s fighting to keep his empire from crumbling under the weight of his own greed.

3. Fugitive or Fighter? Co’s Exile Lite Gambit

Will Co return to face the fire, or is he scripting a Philippine remake of The Fugitive from a US penthouse? Let’s dissect his options with the cynicism this scandal deserves, weighing the odds of his next move.

Reasons to Return:

Coming back might be the lesser evil. By showing up, Co could spin a tale of innocence, rally Bicolano loyalists, and hire a legal dream team to fight in court. Cooperation could soften bail conditions or public wrath, as seen with Juan Ponce Enrile’s return in corruption cases. Staying abroad risks an Interpol Red Notice, turning him into a global outcast with frozen assets PD 1069. Returning lets him control the narrative—barely. Plus, his September 25, 2025, letter claimed he’d return post-health procedure, suggesting he’s at least considering it Inquirer. But is that a promise or a ploy?

Reasons to Stay Gone:

Why return when you can sip martinis in exile lite? Co’s “health procedure” excuse is flimsier than a campaign flyer, but it buys time Inquirer. Precedents like Alice Guo, who vanished amid probes, show how cash and connections can delay justice. The US isn’t quick to extradite, especially if Co cries “political persecution” Purganan. His resignation letter, citing “grave and imminent threats” and “prejudgment,” sets up an asylum bid Inquirer. The Philippine government’s track record on hauling back fugitives is spottier than a Quiapo knockoff, and Co knows it. Every day abroad strengthens the prosecution’s claim of flight as guilt, per People v. Mapalao (1991) Mapalao. So, Zaldy, will you face the music, or bet on the DOJ’s legendary lethargy?

The scales tip toward exile lite. With P4.7 billion in assets frozen and the DOJ sniffing around, Co’s got the cash to play hide-and-seek—unless the government escalates fast. What’s it gonna be, Zaldy? Hero or runaway?

4. Justice or Just a Show? The Government’s Shaky Arsenal

The government has a toolbox to nail Co, but will it swing or just posture for the headlines? Let’s unpack the weapons with a skeptic’s eye, questioning whether they’ll draw blood or just dust.

Ombudsman & Sandiganbayan:

The Office of the Ombudsman can file graft or plunder charges with the Sandiganbayan, the anti-graft court built for cases like Co’s RA 6770. Republic Act No. 6770 gives the Ombudsman investigative claws, and Presidential Decree No. 1606 ensures Sandiganbayan’s jurisdiction PD 1606. But these cases crawl slower than EDSA traffic during a typhoon. Political ties and legal games could stall justice, as seen in the Pork Barrel Scam’s endless appeals. The Ombudsman’s got the power, but will it flex or fizzle?

AMLC Freezes:

The P4.7-billion asset freeze is a rare gut punch Inquirer. AMLA’s power to lock down accounts and properties is swift and brutal, forcing Co to fund his defense with loose change RA 9160. The DPWH’s asset lists and AMLC’s tracing are a strong start, but the government must keep the heat on—extend freezes, file forfeiture cases under Republic Act No. 1379 RA 1379. This tool’s working; don’t botch it, DOJ.

Extradition:

The DOJ’s Interpol Blue Notice is a polite “where you at?” memo, not an arrest warrant Inquirer. Upgrading to a Red Notice requires filed charges and a Sandiganbayan warrant, which could take months. Extradition under the Philippines-US Extradition Treaty is a diplomatic marathon, and Government of the USA v. Purganan (2002) shows US courts can drag it out Purganan. Co could play the human rights card, stalling further. DOJ, stop waving memos and start throwing legal haymakers.

The legal truth, carved in Estrada v. Sandiganbayan, is that resignation doesn’t erase liability Estrada v. Sandiganbayan. The government has the tools, but does it have the spine? History suggests it’s more bark than bite when the target’s got connections thicker than adobo sauce. Will justice prevail, or is this another show for the headlines?

5. The Gavel’s Verdict: No Escape for Co

The case against Zaldy Co is a screaming siren of corruption. Multiple witnesses, a P4.7-billion asset freeze, and a revoked travel authority paint a portrait of brazen graft, bleeding public funds drier than a La Niña drought Inquirer. Sure, he’s innocent until proven guilty, but the evidence—testimonies, asset trails, and his perfectly timed exit—shrieks guilt louder than a Quiapo hawker. This isn’t a witch hunt; it’s a reckoning.

The Ombudsman, DOJ, and Sandiganbayan must move now. File graft and plunder charges under RA 3019 and RA 7080 RA 3019, RA 7080. Push the AMLC to tighten asset freezes and pursue forfeiture under RA 1379 RA 1379. If Co stays abroad, escalate to an Interpol Red Notice and start extradition, cost be damned PD 1069. The Supreme Court’s clear: resignation isn’t a free pass Estrada v. Sandiganbayan. Justice must hunt Co, whether he’s in Bicol or Beverly Hills.

The people are watching to see if our institutions have fangs, or if they’re just gummed-up props for chewing over the crimes of the well-heeled. Don’t let Co’s escape be another footnote in the Philippines’ sordid saga of impunity. Act now, or the kweba swallows us all.