Cash, Cronies, and Cover-Ups: The Escudero-Ngu Kickback Conspiracy

A ₱160-Million Handshake and a Senator’s Dirty Laundry

By Louis ‘Barok‘ C. Biraogo — October 1, 2025

WELL, color me shocked. In a twist that absolutely nobody could’ve seen coming, tech mogul Maynard Ngu, the Cherry Mobile maestro, has decided to “spend more time with his family”—or, more likely, his legal team—after being fingered as the alleged bagman for Senator Francis “Chiz” Escudero in a juicy ₱160-million kickback scheme. Just days after former Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) Undersecretary Roberto Bernardo dropped this bombshell, Ngu bolted from his “independent” director perch at Altus Property Ventures Incorporated (APVI), citing “personal reasons.” Personal reasons? Sure, if by “personal” you mean dodging the Office of the Ombudsman’s crosshairs and a Commission on Elections (Comelec) probe sniffing around his ₱30-million “donation” to Escudero’s 2022 campaign. Buckle up, folks—this matryoshka doll of scandal is about to get cracked wide open.

The Plot Thickens: A Tale of Cash, Cronies, and Cork Wine Bar

Let’s start at the Cork Wine Bar in Bonifacio Global City, where, according to Bernardo, the air was thick with more than just overpriced Merlot. Picture this: a cozy meeting where Bernardo, a longtime pal of Ngu, allegedly handed over ₱160 million in cold, hard cash—20% of an ₱800-million infrastructure bonanza—meant for none other than Senator Escudero. The projects? At least two, worth ₱600 million, were conveniently slipped into the 2025 budget via bicameral insertions, those magical line items that appear like fairy dust when powerful senators snap their fingers. Bernardo, a former DPWH undersecretary, swears he funneled the funds to Ngu, who was to pass them to Escudero (Rappler, 30 Sept. 2025). Friends who go way back, indeed.

But here’s where the stench becomes unbearable. Ngu, the “independent” director of APVI, isn’t just a tech tycoon with a penchant for Cherry Mobile phones. He’s a government contractor through Cosmic Technologies, a multimillion-peso player in public procurement. Oh, and let’s not forget the cherry on top: Ngu donated ₱30 million to Escudero’s 2022 senatorial campaign, per the senator’s Statement of Contributions and Expenditures (SOCE). Generous? Perhaps. Or maybe it’s just a down payment for services rendered. And then there’s the tangled web of business ties with Escudero’s wife, Heart Evangelista, through ventures like Pure Living Wellness International (peddling Luxelle skincare) and Harlan Fractional Estate Incorporated, a luxury villa outfit in Boracay. Cozy, isn’t it? The glue of this sordid affair? Cold, hard cash.

The Legal Dissection: A Forensic Flaying of Defenses

This isn’t just a scandal—it’s a legal house of cards begging to collapse. Let’s dismantle the players’ potential defenses with the precision of a surgeon and the glee of a cynic.

A. The Bagman Allegation: Follow the Money

First, the ₱160-million kickback claim. Roberto Bernardo’s testimony, delivered under oath to the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee, is the linchpin, alleging he personally handed Ngu the cash for Escudero (Rappler, 30 Sept. 2025). Is Bernardo credible? On one hand, he’s a former DPWH insider with access and motive to spill—perhaps to save his own skin or settle scores. On the other, a single witness needs corroboration. Bank records, deposit slips, or a courier’s log could seal the deal, but so far, the public’s seen nada. Without a paper trail, Bernardo’s tale is spicy hearsay—but it’s enough to trigger an Ombudsman probe under the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act (Republic Act No. 3019) (Official Gazette). Section 3(b) nails anyone who directly or indirectly receives pecuniary benefits for influencing official acts. If Ngu was the middleman, he’s not just a bagman—he’s a conspirator. And Escudero? The Revised Penal Code‘s bribery provisions (Articles 210-211) (Official Gazette) are calling his name if that cash ever touched his hands.

The flow is simple: Public Funds → Bernardo → Ngu (Bagman) → Escudero. Prove it, and they’re toast. Deny it, and they’ll claim it’s a political witch hunt. But really, who hands over ₱160 million between “old friends” for a joint venture in artisanal cheeses?

B. The Campaign Donation: A Smokescreen of Generosity

That ₱30-million “donation” to Escudero’s 2022 campaign? It’s not a gift—it’s a neon sign screaming “pay-to-play.” The Omnibus Election Code (Batas Pambansa Blg. 881) (Comelec), Article XI, bans government contractors from making political contributions to prevent influence peddling. Ngu’s Cosmic Technologies, a government contractor, makes him a textbook violator. Comelec’s already circling, investigating another contractor, Lawrence Lubiano, for an identical ₱30-million donation to Escudero (Rappler, 30 Sept. 2025). Coincidence? Please. If Ngu was a contractor at the time, he’s facing fines, disqualification, or a forced refund. Escudero’s no saint here either—accepting such funds could make him complicit. His defense? “I disclosed it in my SOCE!” Cute, but transparency doesn’t erase illegality. Comelec’s probe will decide if this was a lawful gift or a down payment on a senator’s loyalty.

C. The Corporate Governance Charade

Ngu as an “independent” director at APVI? That’s a laugh. The Revised Corporation Code (Republic Act No. 11232) (Official Gazette), Section 22, demands that independent directors be free from relationships that could impair judgment. Ngu’s ties to Escudero—₱30 million in campaign cash, business ventures with Heart Evangelista, and an alleged ₱160-million cash handoff—make a mockery of “independence.” Fiduciary duty? Breached. Loyalty to shareholders? Trampled. APVI’s board, chaired by Robinsons’ Faraday Go, must’ve known Ngu’s presence was a ticking time bomb. His resignation doesn’t erase the stench of conflicted decisions or undisclosed related-party transactions. Shareholders could sue for damages, and the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) could probe for governance violations (SEC Corporate Governance). Ngu’s claim to independence is like calling a fox an impartial henhouse guard.

D. The Strategic Resignation: Guilt by Optics

Ngu’s “personal reasons” excuse for resigning is as believable as a politician’s promise. The timing—days after Bernardo’s bombshell—screams damage control (Rappler, 30 Sept. 2025). Was it to shield APVI from scrutiny? Protect Ngu from SEC or Comelec sanctions? Or a preemptive move to negotiate a deal with prosecutors? Resignation doesn’t absolve past acts, but it’s a classic play to distance oneself from the fallout. The board, with heavyweights like JG Summit Holdings and Robinsons Land Corporation, likely pressured him to jump before he was pushed. This isn’t innocence—it’s self-preservation dressed up as nobility.

The Prosecution: Justice Must Be Served

This stinks. It’s corrupt. And they think we’re stupid. The Office of the Ombudsman, Department of Justice (DOJ), and Comelec must pounce. RA 3019 demands accountability for bribery and graft. The Omnibus Election Code calls for sanctions on illegal donations. The SEC should probe APVI’s governance lapses. Escudero and Ngu aren’t untouchable—they’re public figures who’ve betrayed public trust. If you, dear reader, have evidence—bank records, emails, or whispers from those Cork Wine Bar meetings—now’s the time to speak. Email the Ombudsman (ombudsman.gov.ph), tip off Rappler (rappler.com), or slide into my DMs. The republic’s integrity is for sale, and the price is being negotiated in dark corners.

The Verdict: A Scandal That Demands Answers

The Escudero-Ngu affair is a Russian doll of corruption—each layer reveals a uglier truth. A senator, a bagman, and a whistleblower weave a tale of kickbacks, illicit donations, and corporate charades. The evidence isn’t ironclad—yet. But Bernardo’s testimony, Ngu’s ties, and the suspicious timing paint a damning picture. Will the Ombudsman find the bank records? Will Comelec crack down? Will APVI’s shareholders demand blood? One thing’s clear: this scandal won’t fade quietly. Stay tuned, because the next doll might just reveal the ugliest truth of all.

Barok out.

Key Citations

“Tagged as Escudero bagman, tech boss Maynard Ngu resigns from property firm.” Rappler, 30 Sept. 2025.
Omnibus Election Code of the Philippines. Batas Pambansa Blg. 881, Commission on Elections. Accessed 30 Sept. 2025.
Republic Act No. 3019: Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act. Official Gazette, 17 Aug. 1960. Accessed 30 Sept. 2025.
Republic Act No. 11232: Revised Corporation Code of the Philippines. Official Gazette, 20 Feb. 2019. Accessed 30 Sept. 2025.
Act No. 3815: Revised Penal Code of the Philippines. Official Gazette, 8 Dec. 1930. Accessed 1 Oct. 2025.
SEC Corporate Governance Guidelines. Securities and Exchange Commission. Accessed 30 Sept. 2025.