Veiled Vault Vendetta: Sara’s Corruption Crusade or Cover-Your-Tracks Charade?

Boying’s Vendetta Vortex: Dive into the DepEd Dirt or Dodge the Duterte Drama?

By Louis ‘Barok‘ C. Biraogo — October 15, 2025

I. A Scandal So Juicy It Could Crash a Celeron

MGA ka-kweba, brace yourself for a sordid saga that’d make a soap opera blush. In the depths of the COVID-19 crisis, with Filipino kids locked down and teachers begging for digital lifelines, the Department of Education (DepEd) decided to play Santa Claus with P2.4 billion—except the gifts were laptops, priced at a jaw-dropping P58,300 each, powered by Celeron processors so outdated they’d wheeze running a calculator app. The Commission on Audit (COA) called it what it was: a grotesque rip-off, masquerading as “emergency procurement” for distance learning. Enter Vice President Sara Duterte, ex-DepEd chief, tossing grenades in a press conference on October 14, 2025: “Investigate Zaldy Co and his Sunwest firm—they’re the culprits!” Oh, and she casually admits dipping into confidential funds for her own cloak-and-dagger probe while at DepEd. Is this Sara, the caped crusader, unmasking a grand heist to save Filipino education? Or is it political jujitsu—deflecting from her own P600 million-plus confidential fund controversies, landing a haymaker on Marcos allies in a high-stakes power brawl? Grab your popcorn; this thriller’s got more twists than a Manila traffic jam.

II. The Legal & Ethical Quagmire: Who’s Playing Who in This Power Grab?

A. Sara’s Sizzling Sting Operation or Sly Sidestep?

Let’s peel back the layers on Sara Duterte’s gambit, shall we? With the flair of a telenovela queen, she points a manicured finger at former Ako Bicol Representative Zaldy Co, alleging his Sunwest Construction and Development Corporation was the contractor behind the laptop fiasco. “Sunwest ang contractor ng laptop doon sa DepEd,” she proclaims, as if cracking open a conspiracy vault. But here’s the kicker: Sara confesses her DepEd ran a secret investigation, bankrolled by confidential funds. Noble sleuthing, right? Or is it? The timing reeks—Sara’s under fire for her own murky use of over P612.5 million in confidential funds at DepEd and the Office of the Vice President (OVP), flagged by COA for shoddy liquidation. Is she the whistleblower of the century, or a master deflector, redirecting heat from her own scandals while jabbing at Marcos loyalists like Co, cozy with House leadership? Her beef with Ombudsman Jesus Crispin “Boying” Remulla’s appointment—she called him biased—adds spice. This could be a calculated salvo in the Duterte-Marcos feud, not a justice crusade. And those confidential funds? Republic Act (RA) 3019, Section 3(e) isn’t just a law; it’s the government’s lie detector for “causing undue injury” through gross negligence or partiality. The COA- DBM-DILG- GCG-DND Joint Circular No. 2015-01 limits these funds to national security or crime-busting ops, not internal departmental snooping. The Supreme Court in Araullo v. Aquino (G.R. No. 209287, 2014) slapped wrists for loose discretionary spending—Sara’s “probe” could be a smoking gun of misuse, not diligence. Hero or Houdini? You decide.

B. Remulla’s Reckoning: Ombudsman or Political Pinata?

Poor Boying Remulla, caught in this political cage match. This is your make-or-break moment, Ombudsman—will you wield RA 6770 like a flaming sword or trip into a partisan pit? The Ombudsman Act of 1989 (RA 6770), Section 22, hands you a legal arsenal: subpoena records, raid offices, sniff out graft. Section 24 lets you slap preventive suspensions on culprits if guilt stinks strongly. Your predecessor, Samuel Martires, already greenlit graft and falsification charges against former DepEd Secretary Leonor Briones and Budget Undersecretary Christopher Lao in July 2025, per the GMA News report. Sara’s call to probe Co could expand that net—or ensnare you in her feud. Dive in too eagerly, and you’re her puppet, avenging her critics or cozying up to Dutertes. Ignore it, and you’re a Marcos stooge, shielding allies like Co. The Supreme Court in Office of the Ombudsman v. De Chavez (G.R. No. 172206, 2013) says you can chase leads anywhere, but Dichaves v. Ombudsman (G.R. No. 206310-1, 2016) warns: Abuse discretion, and the courts will slap you with certiorari. RA 6713, the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees, demands impartiality—violate it, and you’re the scandal. Can you walk this tightrope without plummeting into a political abyss?

III. The Filthy Core: A Laptop Rip-Off and Its Slimy Cast

The laptop scandal is the original sin, a P2.4 billion travesty that makes you want to scream into a Zoom call. DepEd, tasked with saving education during a pandemic, splurged on 39,000+ laptops at P58,300 each—units so pathetic they’d lag loading a PDF. COA’s 2022 audit, cited in GMA’s report, found them wildly overpriced, with comparable models costing half as much. The Procurement Service of the Department of Budget and Management (PS-DBM) handled the deal, waving the Government Procurement Reform Act (RA 9184)‘s emergency rules like a get-out-of-jail-free card. But exceptions don’t mean exemption from accountability—RA 9184 demands transparency, not a free-for-all. Sara’s bombshell fingers Zaldy Co’s Sunwest as the contractor, tying it to the Briones-Lao charges for graft (RA 3019, Section 3(g)—disadvantageous contracts) and falsification (Revised Penal Code, Article 171). If Sunwest scored unwarranted profits, that’s a slam-dunk for “undue injury” or “unwarranted benefits.” Fudged documents to cover it? Article 171 doesn’t care about intent—just public faith breached, as the Supreme Court clarified in People v. Po Giok To (G.R. No. L-12345, 1959). But was Sunwest the direct contractor or a subcontractor in PS-DBM’s shady chain? Without paper trails—contracts, invoices, bank records—it’s just Sara’s word, and her word’s under a cloud. RA 6713, the ethical gospel, demands public servants shun conflicts and prioritize the public—here, it’s been used as a cocktail napkin by DepEd, PS-DBM, and maybe Co. Is this a new corruption frontier or Sara’s convenient new villain?

IV. The Fallout Frenzy: Trust Torched, Futures Fried

If this gets buried, DepEd’s credibility—already limping from fund scandals—takes a fatal hit. Parents will see their kids’ futures as collateral damage in a looting spree. Sweep it under, and public trust in governance crumbles further; Filipinos are already numb to corruption, but this could spark rage—or deeper apathy. If it explodes, Sandiganbayan trials could drag for years, but convictions (or exonerations) might restore faith or expose the system’s rot. Politically, Sara could emerge as an anti-corruption icon—or crash if her fund misuse allegations stick. Remulla’s legacy hangs on his next move: action cements his independence; inaction brands him a Marcos pawn. The Marcos camp? If Co’s guilty, they dodge a bullet; if buried, they’re complicit. This scandal could deter future procurement scams or just teach crooks to hide better. Either way, the kids lose most—stuck with junk laptops while the powerful play chess.

V. The Battle Cry: Remulla, Unleash the Hounds or Be Leashed!

Boying Remulla, hear me now: This ain’t the time for timid paper-shuffling. I’m calling for cooperation so fierce, so transparent, it burns through the political smog. RA 6770 makes you a rabid dog, not a sleeping giant—be the beast the Supreme Court backed in Dichaves v. Ombudsman. Chase the truth to Malacañang or Davao, no matter whose throne wobbles. Prove your office isn’t a kennel for political masters!

Prescription for Justice, Sharp as a Guillotine:

Lock Down the Paper Trail: Subpoena all DepEd and PS-DBM records—procurement files, Bids and Awards Committee (BAC) minutes, invoices, delivery receipts—before they vanish into Manila’s shredders.
Follow the Money: Subpoena bank transactions tied to Sunwest. Hunt for kickbacks or laundered loot, coordinating with the Anti-Money Laundering Council (AMLC) if needed.
Audit Sara’s Secret Stash: Demand a full accounting of those confidential funds—vouchers, Special Disbursing Officer (SDO) reports, COA Intelligence and Confidential Fund Audit Unit (ICFAU) records—or hit her with RA 3019 charges for misuse.
Grill the Players: Haul in Duterte’s probe team, Co, and Briones’ remnants for sworn testimonies. Build the chain, link by link.
Charge or Clear, No Gray Zone: If probable cause screams, file graft (RA 3019) and falsification (Article 171) with the Sandiganbayan. If not, close it publicly with a detailed, evidence-packed report—no spin, no limbo. Slap preventive suspensions if guilt glares.

Do this, Remulla, and you might just redeem the system. Flinch, and you’re another footnote in the Philippines’ endless corruption saga. The stage is set—justice or jujitsu? Act now, or the cave’s echo will be your epitaph.

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