The House’s P881-Billion Black Box: Tiangco’s Lone Stand Against a Transparency Charade

Publish or Perish: The House’s P881-Billion Game of Hide-and-Seek Ends Now

By Louis ‘Barok‘ C. Biraogo — November 10, 2025

WHAT’S in the box? No, not a Brad Pitt mystery, but the House of Representatives’ P881-billion secret. And Rep. Toby Tiangco is the only one brave (or foolish) enough to keep asking to see it.

The Crime of Secrecy: Stonewalling in Plain Sight

Let’s call it what it is: deliberate concealment. On October 13, 2025, Tiangco fired off a formal request to publish the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) budget broken down by congressional district and party-list endorsements. On October 20, he followed up with a letter to Appropriations Chair Mikaela Suansing. Result? Radio silence. Not a peep, not a PDF, not even a courtesy “we’re working on it.”

This isn’t oversight. This is stonewalling. The House plasters its website with House Bill No. 4058—the 2026 General Appropriations Bill (GAB)—but conveniently omits the real map: who gets what, who endorsed what, and who slipped in the P3-million “ghost projects” that magically appeared in Navotas without Tiangco or his district engineer lifting a finger.

They preach “transparency” in press releases while practicing opacity in practice. One must admire the House’s commitment to consistency—consistently ignoring its own ethical rules.

**PDAF and DAP Called—They Want Their Scandals Back**

Legal Evisceration: The Law Is Not a Suggestion

Let’s dismantle their excuses with the precision of a scalpel.

Republic Act No. 6713, Section 5(a): The 15-Day Rule Is a Broken Promise

“Public officials and employees shall… respond to letters and requests within fifteen (15) working days from receipt thereof.”
— Republic Act No. 6713 (Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees)

Tiangco’s October 20 letter? Delivered. Suansing’s response? Nonexistent. That’s not a delay; that’s a violation. Mock the silence: Did the Appropriations Chair lose her calendar? Or is the 15-day rule just decorative, like the gold lettering on the Batasan façade?

The Ghost Projects: Prima Facie Corruption

Two P3-million projects in Navotas. Neither requested by Tiangco. Neither requested by the district engineer. Yet there they are, lurking in the DPWH ledger like uninvited guests at a funeral. This isn’t “administrative oversight.” This is prima facie evidence of the very corruption transparency is meant to prevent. If the list were public, we’d know who endorsed them. But it’s not. Connect the dots.

Constitutional Backbone: The Ghosts of PDAF and DAP Haunt Again

Article VI, Section 25 of the 1987 Constitution:

No increase in presidential appropriations. No special appropriations without justification.

Yet here we are, post-Belgica v. Ochoa (Priority Development Assistance Fund [PDAF] struck down), post-Araullo v. Aquino III (Disbursement Acceleration Program [DAP] invalidated), and the House is still playing budgetary hide-and-seek.

Did they think we forgot about the PDAF? The DAP? Or do they simply believe themselves to be above the lessons of history and the rulings of the Supreme Court?

The High Court didn’t just scold Congress—it eviscerated unconstitutional insertions. Concealment isn’t just unethical; it’s an unconstitutional enabler.

The Arsenal of Action: What Happens Next?

The clock is ticking. Every day the list remains hidden fuels the suspicion that something truly explosive lurks within those line items. Tiangco’s next moves? An escalating arsenal of legal and political weaponry.

The Mandamus Missile
A petition for mandamus to the Supreme Court. Not a request. A command. Force the House to perform a ministerial duty under RA 6713. The Court has done it before—Belgica wasn’t a suggestion. This is the nuclear option.
The Ombudsman Gambit
File formal charges: RA 6713 violation (administrative) + Republic Act No. 3019, Section 3(e) (Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act) for manifest partiality and gross negligence. The Office of the Ombudsman doesn’t need an invitation to investigate. It needs probable cause—and two ghost projects in Navotas? That’s a neon sign.
The Political Theater
A privilege speech on the House floor. Name names. Shame publicly. Turn the Batasan into a stage where the Speaker, Suansing, and every district rep with a suspiciously fat DPWH allocation has to squirm in real time. Add Rep. Leandro Leviste to the chorus. Make it a spectacle.

Liability Limelight: Who’s Legally Exposed?

“`html

Actor	Liability
Appropriations Chair Suansing	Personally liable for RA 6713 non-response (fine, suspension) and RA 3019 gross negligence if concealment enabled graft.
The Speaker	Presides over the opacity. Command responsibility applies.
DPWH Officials	Authorized unrequested projects? That’s RA 3019, Section 3(g)—entering disadvantageous contracts.
Benefiting Congressmen	If your district got a mysterious P3-million windfall? Manifest partiality has a prison sentence attached.

“`

This isn’t just a failure of procedure; it’s a failure of moral courage and a betrayal of public trust.

The Inevitable Conclusion: Publish or Perish

The law is on Tiangco’s side. The Constitution is on Tiangco’s side. The ghosts of PDAF and DAP are on Tiangco’s side. The only thing standing in the way is the House’s arrogant refusal to be accountable.

Demand immediate publication.
Post the DPWH list—district by district, party-list by party-list—on the House website within 48 hours.
No excuses. No delays. No more ghost projects.

Because if they don’t? The legal and political firestorm will be biblical. The Supreme Court will be summoned. The Ombudsman will be unleashed. The public will remember who fought for transparency—and who hid in the dark.

The box is opening, whether they like it or not.