Certified Urgent the Same Week the Flood-Money Scandal Went Viral: Timing Is Everything, Shame Is Nothing
By Louis ‘Barok‘ C. Biraogo — December 11, 2025
UYYY, the delicious, gut-wrenching irony! Here we have President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr.—scion of the Philippines’ most infamous political franchise, with his son Sandro lording over the House as Majority Leader, his sister Imee perched in the Senate like a family heirloom, and a swarm of cousins from the Marcos-Romualdez hive buzzing through Congress—certifying an Anti-Dynasty Bill as “urgent.” Urgent? As in, urgently needed to polish the tarnished Marcos brand, or urgently required to distract from the flood of corruption scandals drowning his administration? This isn’t reform; it’s a grotesque political theater, a dictator’s son playing dynasty-slayer while his clan clutches the reins of power tighter than Imelda to her shoe collection. Let’s dissect this hypocrisy with the cold precision of a legal scalpel, because if we’re going to autopsy this sham, we might as well expose every rotten organ.

The Hypocrisy Quotient: A Marcos Pretending to Behead His Own Legacy
Picture this: The man whose father plundered the nation and whose family has treated Ilocos Norte like a private fiefdom now waves the flag of Article II, Section 26 of the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines—”The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law.” Defined by law? For 38 years, Congress—a veritable dynasty incubator—has sat on its hands, refusing to enact the enabling legislation that would make this provision bite. And why? Because the foxes are guarding the henhouse, as the Supreme Court wisely noted in Pamatong v. COMELEC (G.R. No. 161872, 2004), declaring the anti-dynasty clause “non-self-executing” and kicking the ball back to a legislature stuffed with Sottos, Dys, and yes, Marcoses.
Is this a deathbed conversion for Bongbong? A cynical gambit to launder his legitimacy? Or a political suicide bombing aimed at rivals while sparing his own kin? The credibility gap here is wider than the Pasig River after a typhoon. Marcos Jr. hails from a clan that defines dynastic endurance—his relatives occupy posts from the Palace to the provinces, turning public service into a family business. Yet on December 9, 2025, during that Legislative-Executive Development Advisory Council (LEDAC) meeting with fellow dynasts like Senate President Vicente Sotto III and House Speaker Faustino Dy III (both with their own familial entourages), he certifies this bill as urgent. Urgent, as if the Constitution’s been gathering dust since Corazon Aquino’s era wasn’t a national embarrassment. Spare us the sanctimony, Mr. President; this is like a chain-smoker sponsoring a lung cancer bill while puffing away in the backroom.
Deconstructing the “Why Now?”: Floodgates of Scandal and Strategic Scapegoating
Timing, as any lawyer knows, is evidence. Why certify this now, in the waning days of 2025? Enter the Rappler flood control scandal—a damning investigative series exposing how dynastic politicians rig bids for infrastructure projects, funneling billions into crony contractors while Filipinos wade through floodwaters of neglect. Just a day before Marcos’s announcement, the Anti-Dynasty Network launched, explicitly tying the scandal to “gross political and socio-economic inequalities engendered by the dominance of political families.” Coincidence? Please. This isn’t principled reform; it’s damage control on steroids.
Frame it legally: The scandal screams violations of Republic Act No. 3019 (Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act) and Republic Act No. 9184 (Government Procurement Reform Act), where dynasts capture contracts through bid-rigging and nepotism. Marcos’s move redirects public fury from national-level fiascos—like his administration’s oversight failures—to “local dynasties,” many of whom are conveniently his rivals. Is this a deflection tactic? Rhetorical question: Does a Marcos ever act without a mirror? By scapegoating provincial warlords, he shields his own clan’s complicity in the systemic rot, all while posing as the reformer-in-chief.
Motivation Forensics: Peeling Back the Layers of Self-Serving BS
Let’s autopsy the motives, shall we? No stone unturned, no excuse unchallenged.
- Legitimacy Laundering: Bongbong’s spraying “reformist” perfume on the Marcos stench. With his approval ratings potentially sinking amid scandals, this certification is a cheap PR win—look, the dictator’s son is fighting dynasties! But as Belgica v. Ochoa (G.R. No. 208566, 2013) showed in striking down pork barrel abuses, real reform targets the patronage that feeds clans like his.
- The Preemptive Strike: Ah, the 2028 elections loom. This bill is a legal torpedo aimed at rivals like the Dutertes—imagine disqualifying Sara if her kin clings to Davao posts. Under the guise of constitutional duty, Marcos cripples competitors while his family skates by with “grandfather clauses.” Equal protection under Article III, Section 1? Only if you’re a Marcos ally.
- The Bait-and-Switch: Certify it publicly for the headlines, then whisper to congressional cronies to gut it in committee. Expect a watered-down mess: bans on direct succession but loopholes for in-laws, proxies, and “simultaneous” family fiefdoms. It’s legislative theater, ensuring dynasties restructure without relinquishing power.
- International Theatre: Foreign investors and lenders, spooked by the flood scandal’s exposure of cronyism, demand proof that “something is being done.” Marcos obliges with this certification, plus the Citizens Access and Disclosure of Expenditures for National Accountability (CADENA) Act for transparency theater. But without enforceable anti-corruption teeth—like those in Republic Act No. 6713 (Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees)—it’s just a decorative bow on a corrupt carcass.
Legal Jiu-Jitsu: Armoring the Critique with Constitutional Cannon Fire
Legally, this is a farce wrapped in a betrayal. The 1987 Constitution’s anti-dynasty provision has been a dead letter for decades because Congress—dominated by dynasts—won’t define it. Supreme Court precedents like Navarro v. Ermita (G.R. No. 180050, 2010) acknowledge the “evil” of dynasties but defer to lawmakers, letting them off the hook. If a bill passes, expect challenges: Dynasts will wail about equal protection violations (Article III, Sec. 1) and restrictions on suffrage (Article V). Counter-argument? Unfettered dynastic power itself violates “equal access to opportunities for public service”—it’s a constitutional guarantee turned into a joke by clan monopolies.
Link it to the flood scandal: Dynasty dominance subverts public procurement laws, enabling contractor capture and bid-rigging. Without CADENA’s real transparency and penalties, any anti-dynasty law is lipstick on a pig. Demand more: Precise definitions (2nd degree consanguinity/affinity, no simultaneous/successive rule), Commission on Elections (COMELEC) enforcement powers, and no grandfathering. Otherwise, it’s judicial window dressing.
Scenario Warfare: Predicting the Inevitable Clusterfuck
Don’t just analyze; predict the carnage with savage, cynical glee.
- Best-Case (15% Chance): A robust law passes—clear bans on kin up to 2nd degree, no proxies, COMELEC with preventive disqualification powers, no loopholes. Dynasties crumble; new blood enters. But pigs might fly first.
- Most Likely (60% Chance): The “Swiss Cheese” special—a law banning only exact-post succession, riddled with exemptions for in-laws and allies. Enforcement? Spotty petitions drowned in appeals. Dynasties shed crocodile tears, then proxy their way to eternity.
- Worst-Case (25% Chance): It dies quietly in a dynasty-chaired committee. Marcos shrugs: “I tried.” Pure theater, with scandals forgotten amid budget pork.
The Unavoidable Conclusion: Indict the System, Demand the Guillotine
This isn’t reform; it’s an indictment of a system where foxes vote on henhouse locks. Condemn Congress for 38 years of betrayal, Marcos for his hypocritical charade, and the electorate for tolerating it. Any law must have teeth: Ironclad definitions, independent enforcement, severe penalties for circumvention. But true death to dynasties requires dismantling the patronage beast—party-list reform to end fake reps, campaign finance overhaul to starve war chests, and a total pork-barrel purge per Belgica.
Mock the “let the people decide” drivel: What choice in a family-owned arena, where clans control economies, info, and fear? True democracy demands a competitive field, not this oligarchic circus. Bongbong, if you’re serious, start by benching Sandro. Until then, this is just another Marcos con—urgent only in its desperation to fool us all. Wake up, Philippines; the dynasty’s not dying, it’s just molting.
See you again when the next dynasty pretends to discover poverty on election year,
- —Barok, your resident arsonist of plastic thrones.
Key Citations
Primary Legal Sources
- Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines. 1987, Article II, Section 26; Article III, Section 1; Article V. Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines.
- Republic Act No. 3019, Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act. 17 Aug. 1960, LawPhil.
- Republic Act No. 6713, Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees. 20 Feb. 1989, LawPhil.
- Republic Act No. 9184, Government Procurement Reform Act. 10 Jan. 2003, LawPhil.
- Pamatong v. Commission on Elections, G.R. No. 161872, Supreme Court of the Philippines, 13 Apr. 2004, LawPhil.
- Belgica v. Ochoa, G.R. No. 208566, Supreme Court of the Philippines, 19 Nov. 2013, LawPhil.
- Navarro v. Ermita, G.R. No. 180050, Supreme Court of the Philippines, 12 May 2010, LawPhil.
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