“Allocables”: The New Face of Pork, Thicker Than a Politician’s Hide

The Hearsay Defense: Delay or Due Diligence?

By Louis ‘Barok‘ C. Biraogo — December 15, 2025

MGA ka-kweba, buckle up. Our country has a fresh horror story, and it wasn’t cooked up by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) just to trend on X. This is real, documented, and nauseatingly huge. In just three years, the lion’s share—the highest allocations from a nationwide pool of nearly ₱1.2 trillion in so-called “allocable funds”—went to the districts of Sandro Marcos (₱15.8 billion) and Martin Romualdez (₱14.4 billion). For context: that’s larger than the entire budget of the Department of Health (DOH) in some years. And the punchline? According to the government, this is not pork barrel. It just has a new name: allocables. Same pig, new lipstick, new surname.

**Trickle-down economics—where the trickle is your tears and the down is your bank account.**

1. The “Hearsay” Gambit

Ombudsman Jesus Crispin “Boying” Remulla—appointed by President Marcos Jr. himself—went on television and declared the PCIJ exposé “hearsay for now.” Classic opening move for anyone who doesn’t want to investigate just yet: dismiss it as gossip first, then ask for “supporting documents.” Do you know what he’s really saying behind that smile? “Hand me evidence I don’t have to dig for myself, or I’ll sleep soundly tonight.”

It’s a legal tactic, folks. Under Ombudsman procedure, they can indeed label a news report “hearsay” because it isn’t primary evidence yet. But when the PCIJ is the one talking—and we know they’re sitting on documents—the word “hearsay” starts sounding an awful lot like “fake news” while the alibi is being rehearsed. Delay Tactic 101. And who benefits from delay? Exactly the people at the top of the food chain.

2. The Constitutional Shell Game

In 2013, the Supreme Court in Belgica v. Ochoa declared: pork barrel is dead. Why? Because (a) post-enactment project identification by legislators violates separation of powers; (b) lump-sum discretionary funds controlled by individual lawmakers breach the non-delegability of legislative power; (c) zero transparency breeds corruption. Everything must be decided pre-enactment, and only the executive may decide where the money goes after the budget is signed into law.

So what did they do? They resurrected the pig, gave it Botox, and renamed it allocables. The Department of Budget and Management (DBM) and Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) insist: “This isn’t pork, sir. It’s an unprogrammed fund. The executive sets the total amount.” Sounds legitimate—until you ask who decides which district gets billions. Sudden silence. Or the excuse that only one undersecretary knows the “formula.” A formula written nowhere. Like lola’s adobo recipe—top secret.

So here’s the question: if the congressman still decides which projects in his district get funded from the “allocables” after the General Appropriations Act (GAA) is enacted, isn’t that still post-enactment intervention? Isn’t this just Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) 2.0 with better camouflage? The Belgica doctrine didn’t die; it just got glasses and a fake mustache.

3. The Dynasty Dividend

₱15.8 billion to Sandro. ₱14.4 billion to Martin. In just three years. Two cousin-led districts passing around Christmas ham made of taxpayer money.

This isn’t mere favoritism; this is dynasty economics in its purest form. While other districts scramble for ₱50–100 million a year, these two surnames have their own private ATM labeled “DPWH Allocables.” This is the Marcos-Romualdez version of trickle-down economics: money starts at the top, flows to their districts, and if anything is left over, it might drip down to the rest of us. If we’re lucky.

4. The Ombudsman’s Crucible

Ombudsman Remulla now stands in the furnace. He was appointed by the President. He is a fraternity brother of Martin Romualdez (from the Upsilon Sigma Phi at the University of the Philippines). Yet he is the one tasked with investigating the President’s son and cousin.

On TV, he spoke emotionally: “My family is already affected, my children are affected…” It added a personal dimension to the issue. But the public’s core concern remains straightforward: as a presidential appointee investigating the President’s son and cousin, how can the Ombudsman ensure complete impartiality? His initial description of the report as “hearsay” pending supporting documents raises questions about the pace of the probe—though it aligns with standard procedure. The situation places Remulla in a difficult position, testing the independence of his office.

5. The Wider Web of Intrigue

This isn’t just a PCIJ report. There’s a bonus chapter: the flood control scam of Zaldy Co. The former congressman (who has his own cases) publicly claimed that ₱100 billion was inserted into the 2025 budget by Marcos and Romualdez, with ₱56 billion in kickbacks. Direct accusation. Complete with video. Went viral.

Now everything—allocables, flood-control insertions, Zaldy Co’s allegations—is connected. One giant web of money, power, and family. And in the center? An Ombudsman holding scissors that can either cut the thread… or tie it tighter.

6. Legal Evisceration & Call to Action

Here are the laws being violated if we let this slide:

1987 Constitution, Art. VI, Sec. 25(1) – The budget must be detailed. You can’t say “figure it out after enactment.”
Belgica v. Ochoa (2013) – No post-enactment legislator control. Period.
Republic Act No. 3019 Sec. 3(e) (Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act) – Manifest partiality, evident bad faith, gross inexcusable negligence = graft. Check, check, check.
Republic Act No. 6713 (Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees) – Public office is public trust, not a family business.
Republic Act No. 6770 (The Ombudsman Act of 1989) – The Ombudsman has the power and duty to investigate anyone, even allies of the one who appointed him.

“Allocables” is not legal innovation; it is a bureaucratic euphemism for “pork barrel that’s no longer ashamed.”

Therefore, my call to arms, fellow citizens:

PCIJ, file a formal complaint with the Ombudsman complete with every document you have. Stop waiting for an invitation.
Congressmen who still have a conscience (if any remain), file a bill that completely abolishes unprogrammed funds and allocables in the next GAA.
Ombudsman Remulla: the situation calls for a thorough and impartial investigation. If probable cause emerges, consider issuing preventive suspension orders against Sandro and Martin during the probe, as provided by law. The role demands difficult decisions to uphold public trust in the office.
Supreme Court: fast-track the pending petitions against unprogrammed funds. Don’t wait for PDAF 3.0, 4.0, 5.0.
And us, ordinary Filipinos: make noise. Post. Demand transparency. Because if we stay silent, the next “allocable” will go to Sandro’s kid and Martin’s grandkid.

The pork barrel did not die in 2013.
It just changed its name, got liposuction, and grew even fatter.

Time to slaughter it for good.

– Barok