Solid North, Solid Graft: Marcos Loyalist Plants Family Firms in the Nation’s Cash Canal

Guillen’s Green Revolution: Where Irrigation Funds Sprout Exclusively in Family Fields

By Louis ‘Barok‘ C. Biraogo — December 23, 2025

HMMNN…., the sweet smell of irrigation water mixed with the unmistakable whiff of nepotism. In the latest installment of “How to Turn Public Office into a Family Fortune,” we present Eddie Guillen, the Marcos-anointed head of the National Irrigation Administration (NIA), whose clan has masterfully transformed government infrastructure into a private cash canal. Billions in contracts flowing to the wife, kids, in-laws, and nephew—while the family dynasty rules their local turfs like feudal lords. It’s not just conflict of interest; it’s a full-blown family conglomerate (Rappler, 22 Dec. 2025). Welcome to the Guillen-Salazar Consortium: vertically integrated, politically insulated, and contractually unstoppable.

***“Public service announcement: This drought sponsored by nepotism—hydrate your relatives first!”***

1. The Cast of Characters

Let’s give a round of faux applause to the Guillen-Salazar Consortium—not a mere family, but a slick, vertically integrated political-contracting empire. Picture this: Eddie Guillen, the Teflon Don of Piddig, perched atop NIA, pulling national strings while his kin dominate the local scene.

Eddie Guillen: The patriarch, former mayor, now NIA Administrator. Divested his old firm just in time—how convenient.
Gina Guillen: Wife, Mayor of Piddig. Sits on corporate boards because, why not?
LA Guillen-Yapo: Daughter, Mayor of Claveria, Cagayan. Co-owner of the family cash cow.
Homer Guillen & Gian Nicolette Guillen-Chua: Other kids, shareholders in the empire.
Dexter Yapo: Son-in-law, councilor in Piddig, owner of Dylan Equipment.
Edwin Salazar: Brother-in-law, Vice Mayor of Piddig.
Patrick Salazar: Nephew, councilor, owner of Solid North—the one suddenly feasting on NIA contracts post-Uncle Eddie’s appointment.

Their corporate vehicles? A fleet of winners:

Skyline Construction: Owned by the three Guillen kids. Top Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) contractor in Claveria (P358M+), No. 4 in Piddig (P368M+).
Dylan Equipment: Son-in-law’s baby, No. 2 in Piddig (P415M+).
North Tech Builders: Sister-in-law’s domain, No. 3 in Piddig (P372M+), plus NIA nibbles.
Solid North Construction: Nephew’s pride, scraping DPWH crumbs but jackpotting NIA (P43M+ since 2022).

Operational efficiency? Impeccable. They even JV with each other to keep the pot in-house. Bravo—it’s like Amazon, but for government contracts.

And the cherry on top: the clan swearing in with the Marcoses themselves. Dynastic patronage in full color.

2. The Legal Jenga Tower: Pulling Out Every Shaky Block of Their Defense

The family’s lawyers spin tales of “no intervention” and “decentralized procurement.” Cute. Let’s dismantle this house of cards with the law—and a healthy dose of reality.

Republic Act (RA) 3019, Sec. 3(h): This prohibits public officials from having direct or indirect pecuniary interest in contracts where they intervene in their official capacity. Guillen’s camp claims he “didn’t intervene” because NIA procurement is decentralized—regional managers are the Heads of Procuring Entity (HOPE), not him.

Oh, please. As Administrator, Guillen sets budgets, policies, and performance reviews for those very regional managers. His influence is pervasive, even if not “direct.” Philippine jurisprudence interprets “intervention” broadly—mere capacity to influence suffices when family benefits. And Solid North, his nephew’s firm, magically bags six NIA contracts post-appointment? Cosmic coincidence? Spare me. This isn’t decentralization; it’s deniability.

Local Government Code (RA 7160), Sec. 90: Elective local officials (like mayors) are prohibited from engaging in any occupation other than their duties. Yet Mayor Gina sits on Springold’s board since 2020, and Mayor LA owns Skyline and Springold. Their defense? “We don’t participate in day-to-day operations”—pure semantics. Board membership is a “second job,” prima facie violation. The law doesn’t carve out exceptions for “passive” profiteering.

RA 6713 (Code of Conduct): Public office is a public trust; officials must lead modest lives and avoid conflicts. Billions flowing to family firms while salaries are modest? This isn’t “modest living”—it’s a mockery. Contrast the mandate with the reality: public irrigation feeding private coffers.

3. The RA 1379 Forfeiture Play: The Nuclear Option

Enter RA 1379: Unexplained wealth manifestly disproportionate to lawful income is presumed ill-gotten and forfeitable. Properties in relatives’ names? Still fair game—courts pierce conduits.

For Prosecution: These billions in contracts dwarf public salaries. Skyline, Dylan, etc., scream “conduits” for the clan. The state needs only preponderance of evidence—disproportionality triggers the presumption, shifting burden to them.

Against (To Dismantle): They’ll whine “legitimate bidding, pre-existing businesses, arms-length.” But arms-length when bidders are the chief’s children, spouse, in-laws—and in turfs ruled by family mayors? Bidding integrity collapses under familial gravity. Pre-existing? Sure, but the post-appointment NIA surge for nephew’s firm reeks.

This is the nuclear button: a full lifestyle check and forfeiture petition.

4. The “Politicontractor” Ecosystem: It’s the Turf, Stupid

The core rot: merger of political power and commercial gain in “turf” like Piddig and Claveria. Family controls mayoralties, councils, and contracts—classic politicontractor model. Flood control in Piddig? Family firms. Irrigation nationally? Suddenly, nephew’s turn.

Tie it to the oath-taking photo with the Marcoses: ultimate visual of patronage. This isn’t isolated; it’s the national disease—political dynasties thriving because anti-dynasty laws remain unenacted fantasies. In Bagong Pilipinas? More like Bagong Dynasty.

5. Pathways to Accountability (or Impunity)

Prosecution Pathways:

Ombudsman: Administrative case for Grave Misconduct against Guillen—suspend, dismiss.
Criminal probe under RA 3019 for graft.
LGC violations disqualifying the mayors.
RA 1379 forfeiture—trace the wealth, seize the assets.

Political Pathways:

Expect the usual whitewash—internal “clean” probe, stern warning, or quiet reshuffle. What we need: Guillen’s resignation/removal, permanent disqualification of family firms from bidding.

6. The Mocking Conclusion – A Call to Arms

In the Philippines, you don’t just get a government post; you get a franchise—a license to print money for the kin. The Guillen Gambit: appoint loyalist, divert billions to family LLC, defend with legalese loopholes. Efficient, audacious, and utterly shameless.

To the Ombudsman: Your move, Sir. Does this mountain of contracts, family ties, and turf dominance not scream probable cause? Or are we waiting for a notarized confession signed in blood?

To President Marcos: Is this the “Bagong Pilipinas” brand—public agencies as family feeders, irrigation canals as private pipelines?

To the Public: This isn’t legal complexity; it’s theft in a tailored barong. Demand the Ombudsman probe. Demand the forfeiture case. Demand transparency in bidding and SALNs. Or brace for the next franchisee—because in this system, the house always wins.

Stay vigilant, mga kababayan. The kweba runs deep.

–Barok is watching.