Swamp of Scandal: Co, Abante, and Ridon Drown in Flood Control Corruption

By Louis ‘Barok‘ C. Biraogo — September 8, 2025

Introduction: A Telenovela of Graft and Getaways

Here we go again, another Philippine corruption saga so predictable it could headline As the Pork Barrel Spins. Starring Rep. Elizaldy Co, House Spokesperson Priscilla Abante, and Rep. Terry Ridon, this flood control fiasco is a masterclass in dodging accountability with ghost projects, budget insertions, and a “medical emergency” timed like a plot twist in a bad soap opera. It’s the Marcos-era playbook with a 2025 remix, featuring flood control projects so flimsy they’d collapse under a garden hose. Let’s wade into this cesspool of ethical failures and legal violations, where the only thing deeper than the floodwaters is the audacity of these so-called public servants. Manila Times Report

Legal Autopsy: Dissecting the Corruption Quagmire

This flood control scandal is a textbook case of turning taxpayer money into private fortunes while pretending to save lives. Rep. Co, former Appropriations Committee chair, is neck-deep in allegations tying him to Sunwest Construction, a contractor that somehow snagged 18% of flood control funds despite work shoddier than a paper boat. His “medical trip” to the US—conveniently as probes intensify—reeks of the “health excuse” every corrupt official since Marcos used to dodge the law. This isn’t a red flag; it’s a neon billboard screaming “flight risk.”

Legally, Co’s actions flirt with multiple violations. Republic Act (RA) No. 3019, Section 3(e), bans causing undue injury to the government or giving unwarranted benefits through blatant favoritism. If Co’s alleged P13 billion budget insertions funneled cash to Sunwest for substandard or ghost projects, he’s staring down graft charges. The Supreme Court’s Belgica v. Ochoa (G.R. No. 208566, 2013) killed pork barrel funds for letting lawmakers play Santa with public money post-budget. Co’s insertions scream violation louder than a karaoke bar at midnight.

Then there’s RA 6713 (Code of Conduct), Section 7(b), which forbids officials from meddling in transactions where they have financial interests. Co’s past as a Sunwest incorporator—even if he claims divestment—stinks worse than Manila Bay. Araullo v. Aquino (G.R. No. 209287, 2014) slammed similar fund-shuffling, and Co could land in the same legal landfill. If his gains top P50 million, RA 7080 (Anti-Plunder Act) kicks in, as seen in the Napoles cases, where courts crushed officials treating public funds like their personal ATM.

Priscilla Abante, House spokesperson, isn’t just along for the ride. Her vague “Co’s in the US for medical treatment, all legit” defense violates RA 6713, Section 4(c), demanding clear, honest public communication. By dodging details and passing the buck, she’s throwing up a smokescreen thicker than Metro Manila smog. Neri v. Senate (G.R. No. 180643, 2008) stressed accountability in inquiries, and Abante’s spin erodes trust faster than a campaign promise.

Rep. Terry Ridon, Infracom chair, is staging an “investigation” so narrow it’s practically a cameo. By focusing only on “ghost projects” flagged by the President and initially sidelining Co, his probe feels like political theater to shield allies. This could violate RA 3019, Section 3(f), for neglecting duties without cause, especially since House Rule IX allows broad inquiries. The pork barrel mess showed how limited probes let evidence slip, and Ridon risks a sequel. His Bicol ties, where Sunwest operates, raise RA 6713, Section 9, conflict concerns—because nothing says “unbiased” like probing your own backyard.

Charges: The Legal Noose Tightens

Here’s what prosecutors could slap these three with, including the elements needed to convict:

Rep. Elizaldy Co

Graft (RA 3019, Section 3(e)): Prove Co, a public officer, caused government harm or gave unwarranted benefits through clear favoritism. Evidence: budget insertions for Sunwest, COA reports on ghost projects, past Sunwest ties. Belgica and Araullo back liability. Penalty: 6-15 years prison, permanent office ban.
Plunder (RA 7080): Show Co amassed over P50 million in ill-gotten wealth through repeated acts. Evidence: P13 billion insertions, if proven corrupt. Napoles cases show courts aggregate amounts. Penalty: Life imprisonment, asset forfeiture.
RA 6713, Section 7(b) Violation: Prove Co engaged in conflicted transactions. Evidence: Sunwest ties, even post-divestment. Republic v. Sandiganbayan (2003) enforces strict conflict rules. Penalty: Dismissal, administrative sanctions.

Priscilla Abante

RA 6713, Section 4(c) Violation: Show Abante failed to provide clear, accurate public info. Evidence: vague statements on Co’s absence. Neri demands transparency. Penalty: Fines, suspension up to 6 months.
Aiding Obstruction (Revised Penal Code, Article 19): Prove Abante knowingly helped Co evade justice. Evidence: if statements shielded Co’s flight, though intent is tough to nail. Penalty: Less than main crime’s punishment.

Rep. Terry Ridon

RA 3019, Section 3(f) Violation: Prove Ridon neglected duties without justification, causing harm or benefits. Evidence: limiting probe to dodge Co, despite House Rule IX powers. Pork barrel failures highlight risks. Penalty: 6-15 years prison, disqualification.
RA 6713, Section 9 Violation: Show Ridon failed to recuse from conflicted matters. Evidence: Bicol ties, Sunwest operations. Bengzon v. Senate Blue Ribbon (1991) stresses impartiality. Penalty: Administrative sanctions.

Timeline of Doom: Justice or Just Another Cover-Up?

Here’s how this drama could unfold over 30, 90, and 180 days, with best-case (justice served) and worst-case (total whitewash) scenarios, based on COA-Ombudsman-DOJ-BI processes:

30 Days

Best Case: COA finalizes audits exposing Sunwest’s ghost projects. Ombudsman launches preliminary probe against Co for RA 3019 and RA 7080 violations. DOJ upgrades Co’s ILBO to a Hold Departure Order, per Enrile v. Sandiganbayan (2015). Ridon’s Infracom widens probe to insertions, summoning Co via video or written testimony. Abante testifies under oath to dodge RA 6713 trouble.
Worst Case: Co stays in the US, claiming “ongoing treatment,” with no HDO issued due to weak evidence. Ridon’s probe sticks to ghost projects, ignoring insertions. Abante doubles down on vague defenses, and COA reports get buried in red tape. Public anger rises, but no charges stick.

90 Days

Best Case: Ombudsman finds probable cause, filing graft and plunder cases against Co in the Sandiganbayan, like Napoles’ convictions. BI coordinates with US authorities for Co’s return if he resists. Ridon’s probe exposes insertion patterns, pushing Belgica-style reforms. Abante faces administrative probe for RA 6713 violations. Public pressure forces tighter House oversight.
Worst Case: Co’s lawyers stall with medical excuses, delaying DOJ action. Ridon’s probe ends with a weak report blaming low-level DPWH staff. Abante skates free, claiming spokesperson immunity. COA findings are brushed off as “clerical errors,” and the 2026 budget passes untouched.

180 Days

Best Case: Sandiganbayan issues warrants for Co, who returns or faces extradition. Graft and plunder convictions lead to asset forfeiture, per Republic v. Sandiganbayan. Ridon’s probe sparks DPWH reforms, and Abante is suspended for ethical lapses. New anti-corruption laws restore some trust.
Worst Case: Co stays abroad, untouchable without an HDO or extradition push. Ridon’s probe flops with no findings. Abante gets promoted for “loyalty,” and the scandal fades like a bad sitcom. Flood control funds keep vanishing, and public cynicism soars.

Snarky Solutions: How to Drain This Swamp

Here’s how to fix this mess, with legally sound but delightfully sarcastic suggestions:

Co: Ditch the “medical spa retreat” and face the music, unless you’re aiming for a permanent US hospital stay. Bonus: donate alleged Sunwest profits to flood victims. RA 3019 loves a redemption arc.
Abante: Take a crash course in RA 6713 transparency, or learn to say “no comment” without sounding like Pinocchio. Work with the Ombudsman, not House cronies, to avoid scapegoat status.
Ridon: Expand your probe beyond the President’s Post-it notes, or it’ll be as useful as a paper umbrella in a typhoon. Subpoena Co, conflicts be damned, and let Bengzon keep you honest.
COA/Ombudsman: Rush audits and indictments like it’s a Black Friday sale on justice. Use Belgica and Araullo to nail fund abusers, and don’t let “medical emergencies” derail the train.
House: Ban budget insertions outright, because lawmakers treat the budget like a candy jar. Enforce RA 6713 conflict rules so tightly that a whiff of Sunwest ties gets you booted.
Public: Keep protesting—nothing scares corrupt officials more than a million tweets screaming #NoMoreGhostProjects. Demand DPWH post project specs online to check if those sheet piles are real or just a politician’s fever dream.

Conclusion: Same Old Corruption, New Flood of Excuses

This flood control scandal proves corruption in the Philippines is more reliable than the monsoon. Co’s “medical emergency” is as believable as a politician’s diet plan. Abante’s spin is a RA 6713 violation in heels, and Ridon’s probe is so narrow it could thread a needle. RA 3019, RA 6713, and RA 7080, backed by Belgica, Araullo, and Napoles cases, give prosecutors plenty to work with. But without political will, this will end like every other scandal: lots of noise, no jail time, and floodwaters rising while public funds sink. Here’s hoping the Ombudsman and COA can drain this swamp before Co’s “check-up” becomes a permanent getaway.